Publicaciones Académicas

Durante 2023 y 2024, nuestros investigadores principales y adjuntos publicaron un total de 42 investigaciones, entre ellos, papers ISI/WOS, Scopus, Scielo y capítulos de libros.

Directores e Investigadores Principales:

1. Alemán, E., & Navia, P. (2023). Chile’s Failed Constitution: Democracy Wins. Journal of Democracy, 34(2), 90-104.
2. Amoroso Botelho, J. C., & López Varas, M. Ángel. (2023). “Hay gobierno, soy contra”. El ciclo de las oposiciones en América Latina. Estudios Internacionales, 55(204). https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.69270
3. Belmar, F., Contreras, G., Morales, M., & Troncoso, C. (2024). Demanding non-programmatic distribution: evidence from local governments in Chile. Policy Studies, 45(1), 65-88.
4. Belmar, F., Morales, M., & Villarroel, B. (2023). Writing a constitution without parties? The programmatic weakness of party-voter linkages in the Chilean political change. Politics, 02633957231158073.
5. Bustamante-Pavez, G., Espinoza-Bianchini, G., Lazcano-Peña, D., & Pavez, I. (2024). Análisis del consumo y de la credibilidad informativa en estudiantes chilenos de Periodismo.  info, (57), 158-181.
6. Cabalin, C., Saldaña, M., & Fernández, M. B. (2023). Framing school choice and merit: news media coverage of an education policy in Chile. Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 44(6), 927-942.
7. Correa, T., Pavez, I., Farías, C., & Henzi, C. (2023). Transitional affordances: A longitudinal mixed‐method study on the context and effects of changing mode of online access. Policy & Internet, 15(3), 431-450.
8. Dockendorff, A., & Lodato, S. (2023). Constituency Service and Representation: The Effects of Remoteness and Social Deprivation. Representation, 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2023.2237028
9. Dockendorff, A., & Lodato, S. (2023). When Do Interest Groups Lobby Legislators in Strong Presidential Systems?. Legislative Studies Quarterly.
10. Herrera, M., & Morales, M. (2023). Public Opinion, Democracy, and the Armed Forces: Chile before the 1973 Military Coup. Social and Education History, 12(2).
11. Herrera, M., & Morales, M. (2024). Electoral turnout of foreign‐born residents in Chile: an analysis with data from the administrative census and opinion polls. International Migration, 62(1), 159-179.
12. Herrera, M., Quiroga, M. M., & Rayo, G. (2023). El desplome electoral de la democracia cristiana chilena, 1989-2021. Perfiles Latinoamericanos, 31(62).
13. Jaime-Godoy, J., & Navia, P. (2023). A more precise way to assess the success of the president’s legislative agenda: the success of presidential priority bills in Chile, 1990–2018. Democratization, 30(2), 238-258.
14. Jaime-Godoy, J., & Navia, P. (2023). Leyes electorales y diversidad de atributos sociodemográficos de los legisladores: Chile, 2013-2017. Revista de Sociologia e Política, 31, e004.
15. Jaime-Godoy, J., Jara, F., Lisbona, F., & Navia, P. (2024). Percepción de desigualdad y la justificación de la violencia para el control y cambio social: el caso de Chile en 2018 y 2019. Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies/Revue canadienne des études latino-américaines et caraïbes, 49(1), 1-21.
16. Krstulovic, M. C., Bianchini, G. E., & Navia, P. (2023). La incidencia del voto económico en el apoyo electoral a las candidaturas presidenciales de Salvador Allende entre 1958 y 1970. Izquierdas, (52), 1-20.
17. Lazcano-Peña, D., Bustamante Pavez, G., Lagos Lira, C., & Cabalín Quijada, C. (2023). “Me enteré por Instagram”. Consumo y competencias mediáticas de jóvenes de sectores populares y medios en Chile. Contratexto, (40), 237-256.
18. Martínez, C. A., & Dockendorff, A. (2023). Hyper-presidentialism under question: evidence from Chile. In Latin America in Times of Turbulence (pp. 54-74). Routledge.
19. Mendiburo-Seguel, A., Alenda, S., Páez, D., & Navia, P. (2023). Laughing at Politicians to Make Justice: The Moral Component of Humor in Appraising Politicians. SAGE Open, 13(3), 21582440231178187.
20. Mimica, N., Navia, P. D., & Osorio, R. (2023). Changes in the rules of the lawmaking process and the success of presidential bills: Chile, 1990–2018. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 48(1), 37-69.
21. Mimica, N., Navia, P., & Cárcamo, I. (2024). Party Affiliation, District-Level Incentives and the Use of Parliamentary Questions in Chile’s Presidential Democracy. Government and Opposition, 59(2), 526-542.
22. Navia, P., & Osorio, R. (2023). The wrong poster child for legislative paralysis: Salvador Allende and legislative output in Chile, 1932–1973. Social Science History, 47(1), 41-66.
23. Navia, P., Osorio, R., & Toro Monroy, P. (2023). Where is Linz’s gridlock? Salvador Allende and the success of presidential bills in Chile, 1958–1973. The Journal of Legislative Studies, 1-12.
24. Orchard, X., Saldaña, M., Pavez, I., & Lagos, C. (2023). ‘Does she know how to read?’An intersectional perspective to explore Twitter users’ portrayal of women Mapuche leaders. Information, Communication & Society, 26(13), 2554-2574.
25. Perelló, L., & Navia, P. (2023). Jumpstarting Ideological Alignments in Clientelist Party Systems: Evidence from Honduras’s 2009 Coup. Studies in Comparative International Development, 58(1), 103-127.
26. Rosenberg, A., Saldaña, M., & Porath, W. (2023). Engaged and Uncivil? Incivility and Engagement on Twitter over a Televised Presidential Debate in Chile. International Journal of Communication, 17, 25.
27. Tagle, F., Morales, M., Pavez, I., & Claro, C. (2023). Television Campaigns in the Chilean Constituent Elections: The Negative and Anti-system Discourse in the Success of the Social Movement La Lista Del Pueblo and its Electoral Base. Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 29(3), 256-273.
28. Varas, M. A. L., & Olivares, N. M. (2024). Elecciones presidenciales en Chile 2021: la generación de la protesta estudiantil llega al gobierno. In Elecciones en América Latina: de pandemia y de derrotas (2020-2023)(pp. 263-318). Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales.
29. Westlund, O., Hess, K., Saldaña, M., & Tandoc Jr, E. (2023). Digital Journalism: The Journal and the Path that Brought us Here. Digital Journalism, 11(4), 719-725.
30. Westlund, O., Hess, K., Saldaña, M., & Tandoc, E. C. (2023). 10 Years of Digital Journalism (Studies): The Past, the Present, the Future. Digital Journalism, 11(4), 595-608.

Investigadores Adjuntos:

1. Aroca, P., Mundt, E., & Fierro, P. (2024). Distribución de fondos e incentivos a la fragmentación territorial: el caso del FNDR en Chile. Revista EURE-Revista de Estudios Urbano Regionales, 50(151), 1-23.
2. Cabezas, J. M., Jofré, H., & Navia, P. (2023). The effect of campaign spending, district magnitude and incumbency when electoral rules create districts with old and new voters: The case of Chile in 2017. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties, 33(2), 258-277.
3. Fierro, P., Aroca, P., & Navia, P. (2023). The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020. New Media & Society, 25(6), 1335-1353.
4. Grassau, D., Ortega-Gunckel, C., & Puente, S. (2023). Periodismo en duelo: adaptación al entorno digital en Chile a partir de la crisis social y la pandemia de COVID-19. Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico, 29(2).
5. Heiss Bendersky, C. (2023). El problema constitucional en Chile: construir legitimidad en medio de una crisis de representación.
6. Heiss Bendersky, C., & Mokre, M. (2023). Gender and deliberative constitution-making.
7. Heiss, C., & Suárez-Cao, J. (2024). Constitution-Making in the 21st Century: Lessons from the Chilean Process. PS: Political Science & Politics, 1-4.
8. Lagos Lira, C., & Bachmann, I. (2023). “Fight as a little girl!”: Chilean feminist cyberactivism and its outcome on the agenda. Communication, Culture & Critique, 16(2), 113-115.
9. Peña, D. L., Pereira, M. P. G., & Cavalli, R. Z. (2023). Proyecto CUVIC: una experiencia formativa de periodismo y compromiso social. Análisis de las motivaciones y aprendizajes de sus participantes. In Nuevos y viejos desafíos del periodismo (pp. 80-96). Tirant lo Blanch.
10. Santos, M. (2023). Politicizing witnessing: Testimonial user-generated content in the aftermath of Rousseff’s impeachment in Brazil. Convergence, 29(6), 1517-1534.
11. Santos, M. (2024). Divisive issues can inform democracy. Nature Human Behaviour, 8(1), 14-15.
12. Santos, M. L. B. D. (2024). User-Generated Content Narrates# ForaTemer on Twitter: Patterns of Citizen Media as Users Document an Anti-impeachment Protest in Brazil 183.
13. Tagle, F., Gómez, R., & Gamarra, R. (2024). Corruption and media surveillance of power in Argentina and Peru: The coverage of Clarín and El Comercio during the vaccination scandals against COVID 19. Observatorio (OBS*), 18(3). https://doi.org/10.15847/obsOBS18320242411